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Workshop: “Economic Governance of Social Media”
TILEC will be organizing a policy-oriented, academic workshop on “Economic Governance of Social Media” on 25-26 September 2025. Details and submission guidelines are here and on the workshop’s website. Deadline is 15 June. The background of the workshop follows below.
In 2023, there were 4.76 billion social media users worldwide, comprising 60% of the world population and over 90% of internet users. While social media have created a range of well-documented benefits, both for businesses and for individual users, the list of negative effects for democracy, individuals and society at large is growing: distribution of misinformation and hate speech, manipulation of individuals’ beliefs and behavior through news selection, the sheer amount of time spent on social media platforms, keeping people away from being productive, and negative trends in mental health, especially amongst children and young adults, cast a long, dark shadow over social media’s net effects.
Political scientist Lars Rensmann, asked about reasons for the recent upswing of radical right parties, summarized: ”Not populists like Trump but social media are the biggest threat.” The documented growing discontent of many voters with the political establishment (and more and more: the system of liberal democracy with rule of law and political checks and balances on those in power) has thrived on social media. Over the past decade, we have seen how social media has contributed to an extremely polarized society. Especially young people depend very much on TikTok in their news diet, where radical right-wingers successfully proclaim their message and facts matter little. Adults, too, often consume a large part of their news via social media or news aggregator sites. As Rensmann puts it: “Democracies work only when politics is based on facts. As long as that is not the case and people are shaped by propaganda, democracies are doomed.” The Financial Times’ editorial board proclaimed: “Europe’s democratic values are so fundamental that its leaders should not shy from enforcing rules designed to protect them — even if that risks clashing with the X or Meta bosses, or the returning US president.”
For Rensmann, the example of Elon Musk is a point of crystallization: “He has 203 million followers, he owns X, he spreads hate and disinformation, and he influences elections. Someone needs to stand up and not just say that social media is worrisome, but actually do something about the power of big business.”
This is the starting point for this workshop on “Economic Governance of Social Media.” While we understand that a service used by 60% of the world’s population must deliver some benefits, we take it as a working hypothesis that social media’s negative effects must be contained. The question is how, and by whom?
Such questions are the premise of the field of economic governance, which studies the structure and functioning of the legal and social institutions that support economic activity and economic transactions by protecting property rights, enforcing contracts, and taking collective action to provide physical and organizational infrastructure (Dixit, 2009, p.5). Economic governance is a broad concept that hosts both public-ordering institutions (governance by state authorities), private-ordering institutions (governance by formal or informal non-state actors), and hybrid forms. It tries to identify the optimal institutional setup, i.e., the optimal allocation of control rights over the design, adjudication, and enforcement of rules in any given socioeconomic environment.
The Tilburg Law and Economics Center (TILEC) has organized six economic governance workshops, which focused on the role of competition (in 2010), organizations (in 2013), social preferences (in 2015), data-driven markets (in 2017), the governance of big data and AI (in 2019), and political legitimacy (in 2022), respectively. Now, we strive to stimulate the debate how the negative effects of social media could be contained, both conceptually, practically, legally, and technically. During a multidisciplinary, discussion-intensive, deeply theoretical and policy-oriented two-day workshop in September 2025, we aim to learn from theoretical, empirical, experimental, and conceptual papers addressing the main question from various angles.
Specific topics of interest, organizational details, and submission guidelines are in the call for papers and on the workshop’s website.
“Microtargeting, Voters’ Unawareness, and Democracy” to be published in Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization
Together with Wieland Müller and Freek van Gils, I have studied the consequences of digitization and datafication for democratic elections since early 2016. Inspired by news resports right after the Brexit referendum and the U.S. Presidential elections 2016, which claimed that those votes had been influenced, if not tilted, by misinformation spread via social media, we first asked whether and how this is possible theoretically. Notably, our thinking went, if voters do not trust election outcomes anymore, they may also lose trust in democracy as a political system in the first place. Indeed, there is a strong decline of public trust over the past 20 years, which at least correlates with the rise of social media, the main source of political information for many voters (proving causality is more difficult).
Now, this first paper, titled “Microtargeting, Voters’ Unawareness, and Democracy,” is forthcoming in the Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization. There, we study how two recent technological developments have raised concerns about threats to democracy because of their potential to distort election outcomes: (a) data-driven voter research enabling political microtargeting, and (b) growing news consumption via social media and news aggregators that obfuscate the origin of news items, leading to voters’ unawareness about a news sender’s identity. We provide a theoretical framework in which we can analyze the effects that microtargeting by political interest groups and unawareness have on election outcomes in comparison to “conventional” news reporting. We show which voter groups suffer from which technological development, (a) or (b). While both microtargeting and unawareness have negative effects on voter welfare, we show that only unawareness can flip an election. Our model framework allows the theory-based discussion of policy proposals, such as to ban microtargeting or to require news platforms to signal the political orientation of a news item’s originator.
The second paper of this co-author team, which is described here and features a large lab experiment testing the theory empirically, is still in the reviewing process.